Global Government Under The U S Constitution
Search, Read and Download Book "Global Government Under The U S Constitution" in Pdf, ePub, Mobi, Tuebl and Audiobooks. Please register your account, get Ebooks for free, get other books. We continue to make library updates so that you can continue to enjoy the latest books. Easy and Fast, 100%. If you have trouble, please contact us.
|Author||: Michael Moodie,Ronald O'Rourke|
The U.S. role in the world refers to the overall character, purpose, or direction of U.S. participation in international affairs and the country's overall relationship to the rest of the world. The U.S. role in the world can be viewed as establishing the overall context or framework for U.S. policymakers for developing, implementing, and measuring the success of U.S. policies and actions on specific international issues, and for foreign countries or other observers for interpreting and understanding U.S. actions on the world stage. While descriptions of the U.S. role in the world since the end of World War II vary in their specifics, it can be described in general terms as consisting of four key elements: global leadership; defense and promotion of the liberal international order; defense and promotion of freedom, democracy, and human rights; and prevention of the emergence of regional hegemons in Eurasia. The issue for Congress is whether the U.S. role in the world is changing, and if so, what implications this might have for the United States and the world. A change in the U.S. role could have significant and even profound effects on U.S. security, freedom, and prosperity. It could significantly affect U.S. policy in areas such as relations with allies and other countries, defense plans and programs, trade and international finance, foreign assistance, and human rights. Some observers, particularly critics of the Trump Administration, argue that under the Trump Administration, the United States is substantially changing the U.S. role in the world. Other observers, particularly supporters of the Trump Administration, while acknowledging that the Trump Administration has changed U.S. foreign policy in a number of areas compared to policies pursued by the Obama Administration, argue that under the Trump Administration, there has been less change and more continuity regarding the U.S. role in the world. Some observers who assess that the United States under the Trump Administration is substantially changing the U.S. role in the world-particularly critics of the Trump Administration, and also some who were critical of the Obama Administration-view the implications of that change as undesirable. They view the change as an unnecessary retreat from U.S. global leadership and a gratuitous discarding of long-held U.S. values, and judge it to be an unforced error of immense proportions-a needless and self-defeating squandering of something of great value to the United States that the United States had worked to build and maintain for 70 years. Other observers who assess that there has been a change in the U.S. role in the world in recent years-particularly supporters of the Trump Administration, but also some observers who were arguing even prior to the Trump Administration in favor of a more restrained U.S. role in the world-view the change in the U.S. role, or at least certain aspects of it, as helpful for responding to changed U.S. and global circumstances and for defending U.S. interests. Congress's decisions regarding the U.S role in the world could have significant implications for numerous policies, plans, programs, and budgets, and for the role of Congress relative to that of the executive branch in U.S. foreign policymaking.
|Author||: Anneli Albi|
This two-volume book, published open access, brings together leading scholars of constitutional law from twenty-nine European countries to revisit the role of national constitutions at a time when decision-making has increasingly shifted to the European and transnational level. It offers important insights into three areas. First, it explores how constitutions reflect the transfer of powers from domestic to European and global institutions. Secondly, it revisits substantive constitutional values, such as the protection of constitutional rights, the rule of law, democratic participation and constitutional review, along with constitutional court judgments that tackle the protection of these rights and values in the transnational context, e.g. with regard to the Data Retention Directive, the European Arrest Warrant, the ESM Treaty, and EU and IMF austerity measures. The responsiveness of the ECJ regarding the above rights and values, along with the standard of protection, is also assessed. Thirdly, challenges in the context of global governance in relation to judicial review, democratic control and accountability are examined. On a broader level, the contributors were also invited to reflect on what has increasingly been described as the erosion or 'twilight of constitutionalism, or a shift to a thin version of the rule of law, democracy and judicial review in the context of Europeanisation and globalisation processes. The national reports are complemented by a separately published comparative study, which identifies a number of broader trends and challenges that are shared across several Member States and warrant wider discussion. The research for this publication and the comparative study were carried out within the framework of the ERC-funded project 'The Role and Future of National Constitutions in European and Global Governance. The book is aimed at scholars, researchers, judges and legal advisors working on the interface between national constitutional law and EU and transnational law. The extradition cases are also of interest to scholars and practitioners in the field of criminal law. Anneli Albi is Professor of European Law at the University of Kent, United Kingdom. Samo Bardutzky is Assistant Professor of Constitutional Law at the University of Ljubljana, Slovenia.
|Author||: J. A. Cook|
|Editor||: University Press of Amer|
The international political system, built on a foundation of sovereign states, has not effectively addressed age-old quandaries of war, crime, poverty, oppression, corruption, and environmental degradation. Modern social and technological trends are further stressing this system to the breaking point. Global Government under the U.S. Constitution examines this failing system and proposes an entirely new approach. Instead of an international system built on sovereign nation-states, this work argues that federal democracy provides a better, proven model for global governance. While such an idea may linger from time to time in the background of thought, it has never moved to the forefront because of the difficulty in imagining how it could be realized. Now, however, this book thrusts forward a concrete method, arguing that the U.S. Constitution establishes a sound system for large-scale governance. This federal democracy should naturally extend globally, to address current international social problems. It did so first among thirteen colonies and later across a continent and beyond. Global Government under the U.S. Constitution also explains specific legal means to affect such an idea, making it a fascinating read for officials, academics, leaders, and students alike. Book jacket.
|Author||: Joseph Preston Baratta|
|Editor||: Greenwood Publishing Group|
Barratta contends that the coming of the Cold War by 1947 was the principal explanation for the immediate failure of the world federalists. The historic opportunity for so fundamental an innovation in international relations as the establishment of even a limited world federation had passed, but for the next few years there was a vigorous and deep political thinking about the continued prospect of war.
|Author||: Institute of Medicine,Board on Health Promotion and Disease Prevention,Committee on Assuring the Health of the Public in the 21st Century|
|Editor||: National Academies Press|
The anthrax incidents following the 9/11 terrorist attacks put the spotlight on the nationâ€™s public health agencies, placing it under an unprecedented scrutiny that added new dimensions to the complex issues considered in this report. The Future of the Publicâ€™s Health in the 21st Century reaffirms the vision of Healthy People 2010, and outlines a systems approach to assuring the nationâ€™s health in practice, research, and policy. This approach focuses on joining the unique resources and perspectives of diverse sectors and entities and challenges these groups to work in a concerted, strategic way to promote and protect the publicâ€™s health. Focusing on diverse partnerships as the framework for public health, the book discusses: The need for a shift from an individual to a population-based approach in practice, research, policy, and community engagement. The status of the governmental public health infrastructure and what needs to be improved, including its interface with the health care delivery system. The roles nongovernment actors, such as academia, business, local communities and the media can play in creating a healthy nation. Providing an accessible analysis, this book will be important to public health policy-makers and practitioners, business and community leaders, health advocates, educators and journalists.
|Author||: Andrew Hurrell|
|Editor||: Oxford University Press|
A clear and wide-ranging introduction to the analysis of global political order. The book offers engaging answers to the key questions of contemporary world politics. A landmark study.
|Author||: John Fonte|
|Editor||: Encounter Books|
The International Criminal Court claims authority over Americans for actions that the United States does not define as “crimes.” In short, the Twenty-First Century is witnessing an epic struggle between the forces of global governance and American constitutional democracy. Transnational progressives and transnational pragmatists in the UN, EU, post-modern states of Europe, NGOs, corporations, prominent foundations, and most importantly, in America’s leading elites, seek to establish “global governance.” Further, they understand that in order to achieve global governance, American sovereignty must be subordinated to the “global rule of law.” The U.S. Constitution must incorporate “evolving norms of international law.” Sovereignty or Submission examines this process with crystalline clarity and alerts the American public to the danger ahead. Global governance seeks legitimacy not in democracy, but in a partisan interpretation of human rights. It would shift power from democracies (U.S., Israel, India) to post-democratic authorities, such as the judges of the International Criminal Court. Global governance is a new political form (a rival to liberal democracy), that is already a significant actor on the world stage. America faces serious challenges from radical Islam and a rising China. Simultaneously, it faces a third challenge (global governance) that is internal to the democratic world; is non-violent; but nonetheless threatens constitutional self-government. Although it seems unlikely that the utopian goals of the globalists could be fully achieved, if they continue to obtain a wide spread influence over mainstream elite opinion, they could disable and disarm democratic self-government at home and abroad. The result would be the slow suicide of American liberal democracy. Whichever side prevails, the existential conflict?global governance versus American sovereignty (and democratic self-government in general) will be at the heart of world politics as far as the eye can see.
|Author||: David A. Dieterle,Kathleen M. Simmons|
In this non-biased, politically neutral compendium, the authors trace the evolution of the U.S. government's role in the economy, including the history, ideas, key players, and court rulings that influenced its involvement. • Utilizes helpful Topic Finders to help students study specialized entry categories • Provides a summary of an individual's or topic's highlights through informative sidebars • Includes almost 50 maps, graphs, and photos to visually supplement the content • Features a glossary to explain and clarify unfamiliar terms • Discusses the impact of pivotal Supreme Court cases on the U.S. economic system
|Editor||: Michael Mathiesen|
The recent Coronavirus pandemic has taught us that our individual governments are not up to the job of taking on global challenges. What will happen when the next global crisis brought forth by the growing Climate Crisis? What will happen when things get really raunchy and we are all forced to fight for the scraps of a failing world environment coming soon? The only answer is to form a new Global Government and for that we will all need a Global Constitution that is acceptable to all and that protects and extends the RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS that we all agree are God-given and deserve to be given to all persons living on the Earth today - not just the lucky few who happen to be born in a more politically advanced society. No one should be forced to live under a tyrant or dictator. Nowhere on this planet should laws be made that we all abide by without a DEMOCRATIC PROCESS of approval by the people who are wanting to live under the laws of the land. No country should be able to bully another country because they have bigger cannons or the latest machine guns, cannons, bombs and bombers. No country should live in fear of a neighbor. No person should live in fear of their government. Every person should have the right to a say in how their government works and be the authority in every sense of the word. All people should have the right to a referendum on any given issue whose results must be obeyed by the government because all government derives from the people. Government's purpose is not to enslave its people, but to be enslaved by them. No government shall have the right to destroy the planet even if they are able to keep their destruction within their own borders. The Earth belongs to us all. Not a square inch of it belongs to a politician, a ruler, a political party or a corporation. All of the Earth is shared by all and its resources must never be squandered and there should be a global authority capable of enforcing the preservation of the Earth. If you don't complete reading this book and you are not 100% convinced that it's time for a Global Constitution, then I believe you are the results of hundreds of years of brainwashing and all is lost for the Human Race if there is more of you than people who are not brainwashed and can still think clearly. This is not Communism. This is not Socialism. This is not Republican or Democratic. This Global Constitution is merely the life-long research and original thought of one person, the author, who believes that the equality and harmony and unity offered by a Global Constitution for all people of the Earth is completely logical and will someday be taken for granted by countless generations of our kind for thousands of years to come - that is if we can survive the mess that out-dated, horse-and-buggy political systems have delivered to us and which is killing us, even bringing us to the edge of Extinction. With a completely new and revolutionary move in the right direction, Humankind can avert total catastrophe and it is in this spirit that the completely new Global Constitution, the One World Government to Save The Earth is offered.
|Author||: Blake Hudson|
Constitutions and the Commons looks at a critical but little examined issue of the degree to which the federal constitution of a nation contributes toward or limits the ability of the national government to manage its domestic natural resources. Furthermore it considers how far the constitution facilitates the binding of constituent states, provinces or subnational units to honor the conditions of international environmental treaties. While the main focus is on the US, there is also detailed coverage of other nations such as Australia, Brazil, India, and Russia. After introducing the role of constitutions in establishing the legal framework for environmental management in federal systems, the author presents a continuum of constitutionally driven natural resource management scenarios, from local to national, and then to global governance. These sections describe how subnational governance in federal systems may take on the characteristics of a commons – with all the attendant tragedies – in the absence of sufficient national constitutional authority. In turn, sufficient national constitutional authority over natural resources also allows these nations to more effectively engage in efforts to manage the global commons, as these nations would be unconstrained by subnational units of government during international negotiations. It is thus shown that national governments in federal systems are at the center of a constitutional 'nested governance commons,' with lower levels of government potentially acting as rational herders on the national commons and national governments potentially acting as rational herders on the global commons. National governments in federal systems are therefore crucial to establishing sustainable management of resources across scales. The book concludes by discussing how federal systems without sufficient national constitutional authority over resources may be strengthened by adopting the approach of federal constitutions that facilitate more robust national level inputs into natural resources management, facilitating national minimum standards as a form of "Fail-safe Federalism" that subnational governments may supplement with discretion to preserve important values of federalism.
|Author||: Julian Ku,John Yoo|
|Editor||: Oxford University Press|
In 1997, a Mexican national named Jose Ernesto Medellin was sentenced to death for raping and murdering two teenage girls in Texas. In 2004, the International Court of Justice ruled that he was entitled to appellate review of his sentence, since the arresting officers had not informed him of his right to seek assistance from the Mexican consulate prior to trial, as prescribed by a treaty ratified by Congress in 1963. In 2008, amid fierce controversy, the U.S. Supreme Court declared that the international ruling had no weight. Medellin subsequently was executed. As Julian Ku and John Yoo show in Taming Globalization, the Medellin case only hints at the legal complications that will embroil American courts in the twenty-first century. Like Medellin, tens of millions of foreign citizens live in the United States; and like the International Court of Justice, dozens of international institutions cast a legal net across the globe, from border commissions to the World Trade Organization. Ku and Yoo argue that all this presents an unavoidable challenge to American constitutional law, particularly the separation of powers between the branches of federal government and between Washington and the states. To reconcile the demands of globalization with a traditional, formal constitutional structure, they write, we must re-conceptualize the Constitution, as Americans did in the early twentieth century, when faced with nationalization. They identify three "mediating devices" we must embrace: non-self-execution of treaties, recognition of the President's power to terminate international agreements and interpret international law, and a reliance on state implementation of international law and agreements. These devices will help us avoid constitutional difficulties while still gaining the benefits of international cooperation. Written by a leading advocate of executive power and a fellow Constitutional scholar, Taming Globalization promises to spark widespread debate.
|Author||: Stewart Patrick|
|Editor||: Brookings Institution Press|
Now in paperback—with a new preface by the author Americans have long been protective of the country’s sovereignty—all the way back to George Washington who, when retiring as president, admonished his successors to avoid “permanent” alliances with foreign powers. Ever since, the nation has faced periodic, often heated, debates about how to maintain that sovereignty, and whether and when it is appropriate to cede some of it in the form of treaties and the alliances about which Washington warned. As the 2016 election made clear, sovereignty is also one of the most frequently invoked, polemical, and misunderstood concepts in politics—particularly American politics. The concept wields symbolic power, implying something sacred and inalienable: the right of the people to control their fate without subordination to outside authorities. Given its emotional pull, however, the concept is easily high-jacked by political opportunists. By playing the sovereignty card, they can curtail more reasoned debates over the merits of proposed international commitments by portraying supporters of global treaties or organizations as enemies of motherhood and apple pie. Such polemics distract Americans from what is really at stake in the sovereignty debate: the ability of the United States to shape its destiny in a global age. The United States cannot successfully manage globalization, much less insulate itself from cross-border threats, on its own. As global integration deepens and cross-border challenges grow, the nation’s fate is increasingly tied to that of other countries, whose cooperation will be needed to exploit the shared opportunities and mitigate the common risks of interdependence. The Sovereignty Wars is intended to help today’s policymakers think more clearly about what is actually at stake in the sovereignty debate and to provide some criteria for determining when it is appropriate to make bargains over sovereignty—and how to make them.
|Author||: Jeremy A. Rabkin|
|Editor||: Princeton University Press|
What authority does international law really have for the United States? When and to what extent should the United States participate in the international legal system? This forcefully argued book by legal scholar Jeremy Rabkin provides an insightful new look at this important and much-debated question. Americans have long asked whether the United States should join forces with institutions such as the International Criminal Court and sign on to agreements like the Kyoto Protocol. Rabkin argues that the value of international agreements in such circumstances must be weighed against the threat they pose to liberties protected by strong national authority and institutions. He maintains that the protection of these liberties could be fatally weakened if we go too far in ceding authority to international institutions that might not be zealous in protecting the rights Americans deem important. Similarly, any cessation of authority might leave Americans far less attached to the resulting hybrid legal system than they now are to laws they can regard as their own. Law without Nations? traces the traditional American wariness of international law to the basic principles of American thought and the broader traditions of liberal political thought on which the American Founders drew: only a sovereign state can make and enforce law in a reliable way, so only a sovereign state can reliably protect the rights of its citizens. It then contrasts the American experience with that of the European Union, showing the difficulties that can arise from efforts to merge national legal systems with supranational schemes. In practice, international human rights law generates a cloud of rhetoric that does little to secure human rights, and in fact, is at odds with American principles, Rabkin concludes. A challenging and important contribution to the current debates about the meaning of multilateralism and international law, Law without Nations? will appeal to a broad cross-section of scholars in both the legal and political science arenas.
|Author||: Ronald J. Glossop|
|Editor||: McFarland Publishing|
The 21st century may be the age of globalism, with such nongovernmental organizations as the International Red Cross, Greenpeace, and Amnesty International serving the world without regard to nationalities. Is the next step a federal world government?The pros and cons of a democratic federal world government are carefully reasoned here, as are the basic concepts of such a federation, and the relationship of law and government. The author's analysis brings one to the conclusion that a global federation is inevitable despite the many obstacles.
|Author||: Andrew Hurrell|
|Editor||: OUP Oxford|
How is the world organized politically? How should it be organized? What forms of political organization are required to deal with such global challenges as climate change, terrorism, or nuclear proliferation? Drawing on work in international law, international relations and global governance, this book provides a clear and wide-ranging introduction to the analysis of global political order -- how patterns of governance and institutionalization in world politics have alreadychanged; what the most important challenges are; and what the way forward might look like.The first section develops three analytical frameworks: a world of sovereign states capable of only limited cooperation; a world of ever-denser international institutions embodying the idea of an international community; and a world in which global governance moves beyond the state and into the realms of markets, civil society and networks. Part II examines five of the most important issues facing contemporary international society: nationalism and the politics of identity; human rights anddemocracy; war, violence and collective security; the ecological challenge; and the management of economic globalization in a highly unequal world. Part III considers the idea of an emerging multi-regional system; and the picture of global order built around US empire. The conclusion looks at thenormative implications. If international society has indeed been changing in the ways discussed in this book, what ought we to do? And, still more crucially, who is the 'we' that is to be at the centre of this drive to create a morally better world?This book is concerned with the fate of international society in an era of globalization and the ability of the inherited society of sovereign states to provide a practically viable and normatively acceptable framework for global political order. It lays particular emphasis on the different forms of global inequality and the problems of legitimacy that these create and on the challenges posed by cultural diversity and value conflict.
|Author||: Salvatore Schiavo-Campo|
Sound machinery of government is at the core of a well-functioning state. Written by an author with wide experience in public administration globally, this book addresses both the commonalities and the diversity of administrative practice around the world. Exploring developed countries as well as developing and transitional economies, it combines a strong conceptual foundation with thorough coverage of the main topics in public administration, supported by current data and a wealth of concrete illustrations from a variety of countries. The book is organized around three important themes: the interaction of governance, politics and administration, the role of institutions in determining administrative outcomes, and the importance of country context. A concluding chapter summarizes the lessons of international experience and offers guidance to improve the management of the public sector in sustainable ways. Running the Government will serve as a core text for courses in public administration and as a supplement for undergraduate and graduate courses in political science, public economics, and international affairs. It may also serve as an accessible and complete reference for civil service training courses around the globe.
|Author||: Anne-Marie Slaughter|
|Editor||: Princeton University Press|
Global governance is here--but not where most people think. This book presents the far-reaching argument that not only should we have a new world order but that we already do. Anne-Marie Slaughter asks us to completely rethink how we view the political world. It's not a collection of nation states that communicate through presidents, prime ministers, foreign ministers, and the United Nations. Nor is it a clique of NGOs. It is governance through a complex global web of "government networks." Slaughter provides the most compelling and authoritative description to date of a world in which government officials--police investigators, financial regulators, even judges and legislators--exchange information and coordinate activity across national borders to tackle crime, terrorism, and the routine daily grind of international interactions. National and international judges and regulators can also work closely together to enforce international agreements more effectively than ever before. These networks, which can range from a group of constitutional judges exchanging opinions across borders to more established organizations such as the G8 or the International Association of Insurance Supervisors, make things happen--and they frequently make good things happen. But they are underappreciated and, worse, underused to address the challenges facing the world today. The modern political world, then, consists of states whose component parts are fast becoming as important as their central leadership. Slaughter not only describes these networks but also sets forth a blueprint for how they can better the world. Despite questions of democratic accountability, this new world order is not one in which some "world government" enforces global dictates. The governments we already have at home are our best hope for tackling the problems we face abroad, in a networked world order.
|Author||: Blaine Sloan|
|Editor||: Brill - Nijhoff|
This thoughtful work by the world's leading authority on the law of United Nations General Assembly Resolutions remains of inestimable value in its assessment of the potential role of these resolutions under the "New World Order." An insider familiar with the institution's complexities, Professor Sloan examines with insight and clarity the new opportunities available to the United Nations in a world released from the stifling restraints of the Cold War. The book includes detailed documentary annexes as well as a bibliography and index. Published under the Transnational Publishers imprint.
|Author||: Kenneth Janda,Jeffrey M. Berry,Jerry Goldman,Deborah Deborah|
|Editor||: Cengage Learning|
This best-selling American government text is highly acclaimed for the non-ideological framework it uses to explore three themes: freedom, order, and equality as political values; the majoritarianism versus pluralism debate; and globalization's effect on American politics. Extensively updated, this edition includes new examples, figures, data, and current discussions. It also features an increased concentration on Learning Outcomes, which are integrated throughout each chapter and tied to chapter quizzes. Important Notice: Media content referenced within the product description or the product text may not be available in the ebook version.
|Author||: Jeffrey K. Tulis,Stephen Macedo|
|Editor||: Princeton University Press|
Constitutional democracy is at once a flourishing idea filled with optimism and promise--and an enterprise fraught with limitations. Uncovering the reasons for this ambivalence, this book looks at the difficulties of constitutional democracy, and reexamines fundamental questions: What is constitutional democracy? When does it succeed or fail? Can constitutional democracies conduct war? Can they preserve their values and institutions while addressing new forms of global interdependence? The authors gathered here interrogate constitutional democracy's meaning in order to illuminate its future. The book examines key themes--the issues of constitutional failure; the problem of emergency power and whether constitutions should be suspended when emergencies arise; the dilemmas faced when constitutions provide and restrict executive power during wartime; and whether constitutions can adapt to such globalization challenges as immigration, religious resurgence, and nuclear arms proliferation. In addition to the editors, the contributors are Sotirios Barber, Joseph Bessette, Mark Brandon, Daniel Deudney, Christopher Eisgruber, James Fleming, William Harris II, Ran Hirschl, Gary Jacobsohn, Benjamin Kleinerman, Jan-Werner Müller, Kim Scheppele, Rogers Smith, Adrian Vermeule, and Mariah Zeisberg.